研討會 : 關於香港“官商勾結”的一個實證研究
Supplementary Proposal on the Proposed Urban Renewal Strategy
遊行相片 - “七一向前走,香港前途在我手”
程翔講座:政改方案通過後香港政制發展的前景
Newsletter on Political Reform #8 政改通訊第八期
新聞稿 : 「偽普選 真倒退」 ─對喬曉陽政改講話的回應
新民主運動第二波研討會
Talk : “Genesis of Himalayan Consensus” by Mr. Laurence Brahm
Newsletter on Political Reform #7 政改通訊第七期
自製「反對功能組別」海報
香港市民致功能組別 : 5.16我哋不再啞忍 站出來 用行動請你哋消失
功能組別致全港蟻民 : 請繼續沉默 繼續和諧
Photo Gallery – March for Universal Suffrage on 2 May
Member Activities – Travel Sharing : Journey to Israel – A Modern Odyssey
Newsletter on Political Reform #6 政改通訊第六期
Newsletter on Political Reform #5 政改通訊第五期
終極普選團結大會 – 4 月 25 日(星期日)
「我在中國」(Co-China)之九:從反高鐵看跨境正義
Newsletter on Political Reform #4 政改通訊第四期
公共專業聯盟對《二零一二年行政長官及立法會產生辦法建議方案》的回應
Newsletter on Political Reform #3 政改通訊第三期
Press Statement : The Professional Commons urge HK people to cast their votes on May 16
Newsletter on Political Reform #2 政改通訊第二期
Newsletter on Political Reform #1 政改通訊第一期
新聞稿 : 針對「八成門檻」的四帖解藥 – 公共專業聯盟對修訂舊樓強拍條例的意見 (16-3-2010)
“Rehabilitation-based” “People’s First” – Wing Lee Street Regeneration Proposal
Professional Commons supports Earth Hour 2010
「反侵權 反迫遷」說明會
Donald: Time to review the Land Policy! 特首: 土地政策有問題!
Ensure the Financial Security of the Elderly Research – Report on Universal Old Age Pension Scheme
Responses from The Professional Commons Regarding the “Methods for Selecting the Chief Executive and for Forming the Legislative Council in 2012” Consultation Document
「高鐵角力:香港學懂了甚麽?」
Consultative Forum on Constitutional Reform for the IT and Engineering Sectors
[Hong Kong Interchange Option] – A cheaper, faster and better Express Rail Link
Joint Petition from EC Members, Professionals and Academics
For the People, By the People – Research Report on the Urban Regeneration Strategy
Hong Kong Civil Society Delegation to Copenhagen Conference on Climate Change Position Paper
EC Declaration on Political Accountability
Procommons in Media (Sep 2009)
E-Newsletter 2009 (August Issue)
“China’s Conscience and Public Opinions Online” – The 3rd Talk
梁繼昌﹕ 伊斯蘭金融「講」
莫乃光﹕ 由「人民西九」至「科技西九」
莫乃光﹕ 校本驗毒:「家長式」干預自由
Important Notice: Website Revamp
Seminar National Human Rights Action Plan in the PRC – A reality or a propaganda?
Seminar: The Quality Living Circle of the Green Greater Pearl River Delta: Starting from Hong Kong
Pro-Activity: Wine Tasting Gathering

Newsletter on Political Reform #5 政改通訊第五期

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[Please scroll down for the English version]

21.4.2010

第五期通訊

公共專業聯盟對《二零一二年行政長官及立法會產生辦法建議方案》的 回應

(只有中文)

對於政府所發表的《二零一二年行政長官及立法會產生辦法建議方案》

(以下簡稱 「建議方案」),公共專業聯盟表示深切遺憾。

較早前,泛民主派和「終極普選大聯盟」協調產生一個循序漸進的方案,從 2012至2020年逐步落實雙普選。但政府今天提出的建議方案只屬對原方案  的小修補,未有為2017年及2020年逐步落實普選提供路線圖,也拒絕承諾在2020年全面廢除功能組別。政府完全不理 會泛民主派的協調方案,對此我們 感到十分失望。

我們呼籲選民在5月16日踴躍投票,以選票表達對全面普選的訴求。

(功能組別答客問)

12. 功 能組別是否達到向政府提供「專業」的意見的功能?

如果設立功能組別的意圖是吸納專業人士和商界的意見,並 向政府提供「專業」的意見,以便順利實施政府的政策,這顯然這並不符合現實,因為功能組別議席已變質,成為一個為保護既得利益的制 度。我們從功能組別選舉見到,候選人為要討好選民,無可避免要把業界的利益作為政綱,而選民亦愈來愈自覺要透過界別的議員爭取利益,例 如爭取政府在預算案中為界別開設更多職位。殊不知這樣強化個別界別的狹隘利益,污染了專業以社會利益為先的道德操守。政治的過程, 透過整合廣泛的、不同的利益以協調資源分配,達致社會和諧,功能組別選舉,和政治整合精神背道而馳

13. 有些專業界別人士以為,專業界別受惠在功能組別代表。事實又是否如 此?

我們認為,與其說是功能組別是為專業發聲,倒不如說是商業利益凌駕香港市民大眾 的利益。

現時,立法會的一般(政府提出的)議案是由議員簡單多數表決通過,但是,由 立法會議員所提出的議案及動議,卻必須得到分別來自功能組別和地區選區的議員過半數通過,即所謂「分組點票」的機制。換言之,祇 要有其中一個組別的一半議員(即立法會整體的四分之一的議員)反對,議員所提出的議案及動議就無法通過。在立法會2004年至2009年度,來 自商界的功能組別議員,集體向23項由立法會議員提出有利社會民生、而不利於工商界利益的議案予以否決。其中包括以下例 子:

  • 最低工資、最高工時,動議日期:
    • 日期:13/10/2004
    • 動議人: 陳婉嫻;
    • 14名商界的功能組別議員投反對或棄權票;
    • 同一議題的動議,在2006111日再度遭13名商界的功能組 別議員投反對或棄權票。
  • 全民退休保障:
    • 日期:26/4/2006
    • 動議人:李卓人;
    • 10名商界的功能組別議員投反對或棄權票。
  • 制訂公平競爭法例:
    • 日期:20/10/2004
    • 動議人:李華明;
    • 11名商界的功能組別議員投反對或棄權票)
  • 成立基金應付人口老化及扶貧需要:
    • 日期:9/1/2008
    • 動議人:譚香文;
    • 12名商界的功能組別議員投反對或棄權票。

因工商界功能組別議員集體否決該等議案,縱使 在地區選區的議員大多贊成下,那些議案在「分組點票」機制下,仍遭否決。不幸地,作為功能組別一部分的專業界,都因此要承受背負出賣 香港市民利益的污名。


_________________________________________________________________________

Newsletter #5

(FAQ on Functional Constituencies)

12. Could legislators in the functional constituencies serve the functions to provide “professional” advice to the Government?

If the intention of the establishment of functional constituencies is to grasp the opinion from the professionals, as well as from businessmen, and to provide “professional” advice to the Government for a smooth implementation of Government’s policies, this clearly does not reflect the reality, as the functional constituencies seats have been degraded into a system merely serve to protect the interests of the sectoral interests, for example, pressing the Government to open more job positions for their respective sectors in the Budget address. Hence, functional constituencies merely serve the role of strengthen the narrow interests of individual sectors, and failed to prioritize their concerns on common public interests. Through the integration of different and wide level of interests, social harmony could be realized under the political process. The functional constituencies have failed to realize the predetermined goal of political alignments of different interests.

13. Some professional thought that the functional constituencies have been influencing policy outputs through professional inputs, does it reflects the reality?

Some professional sectors thought that, their voices would be better heard through the representation in the functional constituencies. But it is not the case, as the business interests override the interests of the general public through the decisions of the legislators from the functional constituencies.

Currently, the bills (proposed by the Government) would be considered as passed through a simple majority in the LegCo. But, for the bills and motions proposed by the legislators, they have to be passed by more than half of the legislators from the legislators from the functional constituencies and the geographical constituencies respectively, that is the so called “split voting system”. Hence, the motions and debates would not be able to pass, should an objection have been received from merely half of the legislator from either one of the two groups (that means a quarter of the overall number of legislators).

During the LegCo year between 2004 and 2009, the legislators from the business interests in the functional constituencies have objected 23 motions which are not beneficiary towards the businesses, but are of vital importance and bring about significant improvement to the society as a whole. The examples include:

  • Minimum Wage, Maximum Working Hours:
    • Date of motion: 13/10/2004,
    • Legislator who tabled the motion: Chan Yuen-han
    • 14 business-based FC legislators has voted against or abstained.
    • A motion of similar wordings has been defeated through a block vote of 13 business based FC legislators who voted against or abstained on 1 November 2006.
  • Universal Retirement Protection Scheme:
    • Date of motion: 26/4/2006,
    • Legislator who tabled the motion: Lee Cheuk Yan
    • 10 business based FC legislators voted against or abstained.
  • Legislation of a Fair Competition Law:
    • Date of motion: 20/10/2004,
    • Legislator who tabled the motion: Lee Wah Ming
    • 11 business based FC legislators voted against or abstained.
  • Establishment of a fund to fulfill the needs of the ageing of the population and alleviation of poverty:
    • Date of motion: 9/1/2008,
    • Legislator who tabled the motion: Mandy Tam
    • 12 business based FC legislators voted against or abstained.

As a result of the collective objection of the legislative proposals from the business based functional constituencies, even though the motions were supported by the majority of the geographical constituencies, they are still being defeated. As the professional sector constitutes part of the functional constituencies, and their opinions are not being reflected in the legislature due to the dominance of the business sector, the professional sectors have been reluctantly bearing the bad name as part of the system that are betraying the interest of Hong Kong’s citizenry.

(FAQ to be continued)

終極普選團結大會 – 4 月 25 日(星期日)

*終極普選團結大會*

日期:2010 年 4 月 25 日(星期日)
時間:3:00pm – 5:00pm
地點:明愛九龍社區中心 3 樓禮堂(九龍太子道西 256A 號)
目的:凝聚力量爭取終極普選、推動普選聯策略及政改方案、反對政府爛方案
大會負責人:李健勤、陳樹英
地圖: http://klncc.caritas.org.hk/center.asp

「我在中國」(Co-China)之九:從反高鐵看跨境正義

香港的反高鐵運動吸引了眾多內地人的關注,不僅有內地媒體進行深度報導,在twitter上關於反高鐵的活動更是得到很多內地網友的聲援。雖然很多人並不十分清楚這場運動的前因後果、來龍去脈,但還是有眾多內地人用各種方式表達自己的支持。

有人不解,為什麽內地人會關心發生在香港的一次社會運動。究其原因大抵是因為在遇到相似事件時內地人往往很難自由地表達反對,而港人能走上街頭表達意見和訴求,這在某種程度上會被看做是在代所有被強權壓制者發出聲音。

本週日下午三時「我在中國」(Co-China)之九—-從反高鐵看跨境正義,梁文道、司徒薇和您共同探討。

講者:
梁文道:文化評論人
司徒薇:香港大學比較文學系助理教授

主持: 杜婷:「我在中國」(Co-China)論壇負責人

時間: 4月18日下午3時-5時
地點: 香港灣仔駱克道3號小童群益會總部607室
twitter直播帳號:@du_ting @wang_pablo
新浪微博直播帳號:cochina論壇(http://t.sina.com.cn/1729620664)
視頻直播:http://zh-cn.justin.tv/co_china#r=6pGkC30~

Co-China論壇主辦、香港公共專業聯盟協辦

Newsletter on Political Reform #4 政改通訊第四期

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[Please scroll down for the English version]

15.4.2010

第四期通訊

9. 功能組別議員能吸納專業意見嗎?

有人說功能組別的存在,讓各專業界別的聲音能在立法會得到反映,改善施政的質素。他們的簡單論證,就是各功能界別代表在議會,可直接而又有效地對政府政策提供專業的意見。但是我們若檢視功能組別的組成,和功能組別議員過去在立法會的表現,所謂「吸納專業意見論」的謬誤便無所遁形。

先看看以下數字:

l   在2009年9月,保險業有12,940名從業員,但保險界功能界別的認可選民僅僅是141間保險公司代表(約佔1%);

l   在2009年9月,金融服務業有118,337名從業員,但金融服務業功能界別的認可選民僅僅是578間金融服務業公司代表 (約佔0.49%)。

金融服務業是香港經濟支柱,上述兩個功能組別的從業員,都是香港社會的精英,擁有優良的專業知識、分析能力和國際視野。但荒謬的是,他們居然都被這個功能組別摒諸門外,由機構指派的代表透過公司票壟斷了選舉和被選權,他們的意見,又如何透過業界議員表達;而有識之士,又如何透過選舉進入議會?

10. 功能組別議員在議會作出專業貢獻嗎?

事實上,立法會討論的政策,無不涉及多個持份者的利益,例如,西九龍文化中心的計劃,就涉及文化、表演藝術、環境保育、交通、城市規劃及地區利益,並不是參考一兩個專業界議員的意見可以拍板。在西九龍文化中心的計劃中,我們看不到體育,文化,出版界別的立法會議員霍震霆有甚麼卓見,反而地區直選的議員們和民間團體就更加勤力,推動西九文化區的發展。漁農界代表黃容根,每年祇提一個議案,呼籲政府關注漁農界的利益,其他時間祇是跟功能組別議員大隊投票,對香港整體利益有甚麼建樹?

11. 功能組別議員有做好議員本份嗎?

功能組別議員有做好議員本份嗎? 我們從一些客觀數字分析。首先,讓我們看看直選和功能組別議員的出席立法會會議的比率:在2008/09立法年度,地區直選議員平均40.7次,功能組別議員平均39.1次,出席率最低的十位議員,有 9位是來自功能組別。

我們看看議員提出質詢次數:地區直選議員平均12.5次,功能組別議員平均8.3次,自動當選的14名功能組別議員,平均只有6.7次。

我們再看看提出動議和提出修正動議的比率:地區直選議員平均5.3次,功能組別議員平均只有2.6次,自動當選的14名功能組別議員,平均只有2次。

大家可以看到的是,大多數功能組別議員連基本的職務都未做好,遑論甚麼專業貢獻。另外,有14個功能組別的席位已經是自動當選產生,缺乏政治更替,沒有經過選賢與能的機制,何來會產生優秀的議員?

(答客問未完待續)

______________________________________________________

Newsletter Issue #4

9.     Do functional constituency legislators absorb opinions from the professionals?

Some people say the existence of functional constituencies is to allow the voices of various professional sectors can be reflected in the LegCo for the improvement the quality of governance. Their simple argument is that the functional constituency legislators in LegCo could provide professional advice, directly and effectively to the Government. But if we examine the composition of functional constituencies and the past performances of the functional constituencies legislators, the axiom of the so-called “provision of professional advice for the improvement of governance” could not be sustained.

Let’s take a look at the following figures once again:

l   In September 2009, there are 12,940 practioners in the insurance sector, but there are merely 141 representatives from the corporate voters hold by the insurance companies which are belonged to the insurance functional constituency (approximately 1% of the total number of practioners in the insurance sector))

l   In September 2009, there are 118,3367 practioners in the financial sector, but there are merely representatives of the corporate voter of 578 financial service companies (approximately 0.48% of the total number of practioners in the financial service sector))

The financial sector is the pillar industry of Hong Kong, the practioners of the two functional constituencies are the social elites of Hong Kong, they have possessed professional knowledge, analytical power and international mindset. But most ridiculously, they have been shunned out of the functional constituencies, the voting rights, as well as the rights for being voted has been dominated by the company votes from the institutions. How could their opinions to be reflected through the legislators from the sector concerned? And how could the professionals in those sector be able to express their opinion through the legislators of their sector. How could those which have adequate credentials be able to take a seat at the Legislative Council through election?

10.   Do functional constituency legislators reflect contributions of the professionals?

Could the functional constituencies be able to select well-qualified legislators from the professional sectors and to make professional contributions?

In fact, vested interests are often been discussed when LegCo is discussing various policy issues. For example, the West Kowloon Cultural District project involves with cultural, performing arts, environment and conservation, traffic, urban planning and vested interests from various districts, it is not just a matter of opinion from one or two professional legislators. During the discussions regarding the West Kowloon Cultural District project, we could not be able to see what sort of “professional” views and ideas could legislator Timothy Fok from the Sports, Culture and Publishing Sector is able to provide on the issue? Those who are elected from the geographical constituencies are otherwise more diligent in promoting the development of the West Kowloon Cultural District. Wong Yung-kan from the Agricultural and Fisheries Sector merely tabling one motion each year on promoting the interests of the agricultural and fisheries sector, he casted his votes based upon the views of other members in the functional constituencies for all other issues. What achievements they have done for the facilitation of overall interests of Hong Kong?

11. Do the functional constituency legislators fulfill their duties well as legislators?

In order to answer the question whether the legislators from functional constituencies have fulfilled their duties well as legislators, let us take a look at the attendance rate of the legislators elected from geographical constituencies and from functional constituencies during the 2008/09 legislative year:

l   Those who are elected from geographical constituencies attended the Legislative Council meetings on an average of 40.7 times, and the functional constituencies legislators attended an average of 39.1 times. Out of the 10 worst legislators with the lowest attendant rate, nine of them came from functional constituencies;

l   Concerning the number of questions raised between geographical constituency members and functional constituency members: Those who are elected from the geographical constituencies asked an average of 12.5 questions, and the legislators from functional constituencies have merely asked 8.3 questions. The functional constituency legislators who are elected uncontested merely asked an average of 6.7 questions;

l   Concerning the proportion of the tabling of motions and amendments to motions. The legislators who are elected from geographical constituencies tabled an average of 5.3 times, and the functional constituency legislators merely tabled an average of 2.6 times. For the 14 functional constituency legislators who are elected uncontested, they have merely tabled two motions.

Hence, we can all see that, most of the legislators from the functional constituencies have not fulfilled their basic duties, not to mention professional contributions. Also, 14 seats in the functional constituencies has been elected uncontested. The members of the functional constituencies are unwilling to make political change, and they were unable to elect the talented and the abled. Hence, how could the best-qualified legislators be elected?

(FAQ to be continued)

公共專業聯盟對《二零一二年行政長官及立法會產生辦法建議方案》的回應

logo_200_for enews

公共專業聯盟對《二零一二年行政長官及立法會產生辦法建議方案》的回應

對於今天政府所發表的《二零一二年行政長官及立法會產生辦法建議方案》

(以下簡稱 「建議方案」),公共專業聯盟表示深切遺憾。

較早前,泛民主派和「終極普選大聯盟」協調產生一個循序漸進的方案,從2012至2020年逐步落實雙普選。但政府今天提出的建議方案只屬對原方案 的小修補,未有為2017年及2020年逐步落實普選提供路線圖,也拒絕承諾在2020年全面廢除功能組別。政府完全不理會泛民主派的協調方案,對此我們 感到十分失望。

我們呼籲選民在5月16日踴躍投票,以選票表達對全面普選的訴求。

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